manvar surname caste in gujarat manvar surname caste in gujarat

This list may not reflect recent changes. As a consequence, the continuities of social institutions and the potentiality of endogenous elements for bringing about change are overlooked (for a discussion of some other difficulties with these paradigms, see Lynch 1977). In India Limbachiya is most frequent in: Maharashtra, where 70 percent reside, Gujarat . Caste associations have been formed on the lines of caste divisions. These linkages played an important role in the traditional social structure as well as in the processes of change in modern India. There was also a third category called Pancha, derived from the word punch (meaning 5) and denoting extremely low Vania. gujarati surnames castes Whatever the internal organization of a second-order division, the relationship between most of the Brahman second-order divisions was marked by great emphasis on being different and separate than on being higher and lower. To whichever of the four orders a caste division belonged, its horizontal spread rarely, if ever, coincided with that of another. To have a meaningful understanding of the system of caste divisions, there is no alternative but to understand the significance of each order of division and particularly the nature of their boundaries and maintenance mechanisms. Since after expansion of British textile markets and decline of Indian textile industry Vankars suffered a lot. This reflects the high degree of divisiveness in castes in Gujarat. The arrival of the East India Company, however sounded the death knell for the Indian textile industry. Each unit was ranked in relation to others, and many members of the lower units married their daughters into the higher units, so that almost every unit became loose in the course of time. <>/Metadata 3086 0 R/ViewerPreferences 3087 0 R>> The latter continued to be the provincial capital during Mughal rule. The hierarchy, however, was very gradual and lacked sharpness. But many Rajput men of Radhvanaj got wives from people in distant villages who were recognized there as Kolisthose Kolis who had more land and power than the generality of Kolis had tried to acquire some of the traditional Rajput symbols in dress manners and customs and had been claiming to be Rajputs. To illustrate, among the Khadayata or Modh Vanias, an increasing number of marriages take place between two or more tads within an ekda. Similarly, in Saurashtra, the Talapadas were distinguished from the Chumvalias, immigrants from the Chumval tract in north Gujarat. The division had an elaborate internal hierarchy, with wealthy and powerful landlords and tax-farmers at the top and small landholders, tenants and labourers at the bottom. All this trade encouraged development of trading and commercial towns in the rest of Gujarat, even in the highland area. In any case, the population of any large caste was found in many kingdoms. It is argued that the various welfare programmes of each caste association, such as provision of medical facilities, scholarships and jobs for caste members contribute, in however small a way, to the solution of the nations problems. The co-residence of people belonging to two or more divisions of a lower order within a division of a higher order has been a prominent feature of caste in towns and cities. This was about 22% of all the recorded Mehta's in USA. But this is not enough. The patterns of change in marriage and in caste associations are two of the many indications of the growing significance of the principle of division (or separation or difference) in caste in urban areas in Gujarat. The two former ekdas continued to exist with diminished strength. Prohibited Content 3. The Anavil, numbering 30,000 to 40,000 in 1931, were found mainly in south Gujarat. Frequently, The ekdas or gols were each divided into groups called tads (split). The existence of flexibility at both the levels was made possible by the flexibility of the category Rajput. Almost every village in this area included at least some Leva population, and in many villages they formed a large, if not the largest, proportion of the population. But there was also another process. We have seen how one second-order division among Brahmans, namely, Khedawal, was marked by continuous internal hierarchy and strong emphasis on hypergamy on the one hand and by absence of effective small endogamous units on the other. For example, there were two ekdas, each with a large section resident in a large town and small sections resident in two or three neighbouring small towns. The Kolis seem to have had only two divisions in every part of Gujarat: for example, Talapada (indigenous) and Pardeshi (foreign) in central Gujarat and Palia and Baria in eastern Gujarat (significantly, one considered indigenous and the other outsider). . I do not, however, have sufficient knowledge of the latter and shall, therefore, confine myself mainly to Rajputs in Gujarat. There is enormous literature on these caste divisions from about the middle of the 19th century which includes census reports, gazetteers, castes-and- tribes volumes, ethnographic notes and monographs and scholarly treatises such as those by Baines, Blunt, Ghurye, Hocart, Hutton, Ibbet- son, OMalley, Risley, Senart, and others. The advance made in recent years is limited and much more needs to be done. During Mughal Empire India was manufacturing 27% of world's textile and Gujarati weavers dominated along with Bengali weavers in Indian textile trade industry overseas. I have done field work in two contiguous parts of Gujarat: central Gujarat (Kheda district and parts of Ahmedabad and Baroda districts) and eastern Gujarat (Panchmahals district). The most important example of primarily political caste association is the Gujarat Kshatriya Sabha. The method is to remove first the barriers of the divisions of the lowest order and then gradually those of one higher order after another. Caste associations in Gujarat were formed mainly among upper castes to provide welfare (including recreation), to promote modern education, and to bring about reforms in caste customs. Significantly, a large number of social thinkers and workers who propagated against the hierarchical features of caste came from urban centres. So instead of a great exporter of finished products, India became an importer of British, while its share of world export fell from 27% to two percent. We had seen earlier that in the first-order division, such as that of the Rajputs, there were no second-order divisions, and no attempt was made to form small endogamous units: hypergamy had free play, as it were. Division and hierarchy have always been stressed as the two basic principles of the caste system. I shall first provide an analysis of caste in the past roughly during the middle of the 19th century, and then deal with changes in the modern times. I hope to show that the integration of the study of caste in urban areas with that of rural areas is essential to a comprehensive understanding of caste and its implications for Indian society and culture. The unit might possess some other corporate characteristics also. Such a description not only overlooks the diversity and complexity of caste divisions and the rural-urban Link- ages in them but also leads to placing them in the same category as Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Jains, Buddhists, and so on. Tapodhans were priests in Shiva temples. For example, the Patanwadia population was spread continuously from the Patan area to central Gujarat, and the Talapada population from central Gujarat to Pal. It owned corporate property, usually in the form of vadis (large buildings used for holding feasts and festivals, accommodating wedding guests, and holding meetings), huge utensils for cooking feasts, and money received as fees and fines. 91. The primarily urban castes and the urban sections of the rural-cum- urban castes were the first to take advantage of the new opportunities that developed in industry, commerce, administration, the professions and education in urban centres. The social relations between and within a large number of such segregated castes should be seen in the context of the overall urban environment, characterized as it was by co-existence of local Hindu castes with immigrant Hindu castes and with the non-Hindu groups such as Jains, Muslims, Parsis and Christians, a higher degree of monetization, a higher degree of contractual and market relations (conversely, a lesser degree of jajmani-type relations), existence of trade guilds, and so on. Leva Sheri and Kadva Sheri, named after the two major second-order divisions among the Kanbis. From the 15th century onwards we find historical references to political activities of Koli chieftains. Third, although two or more new endogamous units came into existence and marriage between them was forbidden thereafter, a number of pre-existing kinship and affinal relationships continued to be operative between them. For example, the Khadayata Brahmans worked as priests at important rituals among Khadayata Vanias. The freedom struggle brought the Indian handloom sector back to the fore, with Mahatma Gandhi spearheading the Swadeshi cause. They took away offerings made to Shiva, which was considered extremely degrading. This surname is most commonly held in India, where it is held by 2,496 people, or 1 in 307,318. Not only that, there were also third-order divisions (i.e., ekdas) in one or more second-order divisions, and finally one or more fourth-order divisions (i.e., tads) in one or more third-order divisions. It is possible that there were a few divisions each confined to just one large city and, therefore, not having the horizontal dimension at all. The name, Talapada, meaning mdigenous, commonly used in the 19th century, is most clear, since it is clearly distinguished from the other division called Pardeshi, meaning foreign, who during the last one or two centuries immigrated here from the area around Patan in north Gujarat and were, therefore, also called Patan- wadias. For example, among the Vanias the most general rule was that a marriage of a boy could be arranged with any girl who was bhane khapati, i.e., with whom he was permitted to have commensal relations (roti vyavahar). I am dealing here only with certain typical situations. Most associations continue to retain their non-political character. Within each of these divisions, small endogamous units (ekdas, gols, bandhos) were organized from time to time to get relief from the difficulties inherent in hypergamy. An important idea behind the activities of caste associations is: service to ones caste is service to the nation. Copyright 10. As regards the rest of Gujarat, I have used various sources: my work on the caste of genealogists and mythographys and on the early 19th century village records; the available ethnographic, historical and other literature; and observations made while living m Gujarat. TOS 7. This was unlike the situation among the Rajputs who did not make any attempt to form small endogamous units. There was also a tendency among bachelors past marriageable age to establish liaisons with lower-caste women, which usually led the couple to flee and settle down in a distant village. How many sub-divisions existed in the various divisions of the various orders is a matter of empirical investigation. Frequently, a division among Vanias corresponded to a division among Brahmans. Census officials-turned-scholars, from Risley to Hutton, wrote many of the earlier general works on caste. The Kanbis (now called Patidars) had five divisions: Leva, Kadya, Anjana, Bhakta, and Matia. Then there were a number of urban divisions of specialized artisans, craftsmen and servants, as for example, Sonis (gold and silver smiths), Kansaras (copper and bronze smiths), Salvis (silk weavers), Bhavsars (weavers, dyers and printers), Malis (florists), Kharadis (skilled carpenters and wood carvers), Kachhias (vegetable sellers), Darjis (tailors), Dabgars (makers of drums, saddles and such other goods involving leather), Ghanchis (oil pressers), Golas ferain and spice pounders and domestic servants), Dhobis (washermen), Chudgars (banglemakers), and Tambolis (sellers of area nuts, betel leaves, etc.). so roamed around clueless. The lowest stratum among the Khedawals tried to cope with the problem of scarcity of brides mainly by practising ignominious exchange marriage and by restricting marriage of sons in a family to the younger sons, if not to only the youngest. The significant point, however, is that there were small endogamous units which were not, like ekdas and tads, part of any higher-order division. I have not yet come across an area where Kolis from three or more different areas live together, excepting modern, large towns and cities. Jun 12, 2022 . In all there were thirty to forty such divisions. Apparently this upper boundary of the division was sharp and clear, especially when we remember that many of these royal families practised polygyny and female infanticide until middle of the 19th century (see Plunkett 1973; Viswa Nath 1969, 1976). : 11-15, 57-75). This was dramatized at huge feasts called chorasi (literally, eighty-four) when Brahmans belonging to all the traditional 84 second-order divisions sat together to eat food cooked at the same kitchen. The decline was further accelerated by the industrial revolution. 4 0 obj The institutions of both bride and bridegroom price (the latter also called dowry) were rampant in castes with continuous internal hierarchydowry mainly at the upper levels, bride price mainly at the lower levels, and both dowry and bride price among status-seeking middle level families. Until recently, sociologists and anthropologists described Indian society as though it had no urban component in the past. Disclaimer 9. Pocock goes on to observe that diminution of emphasis upon hierarchy and increasing emphasis upon difference are features of caste in modern, particularly urban, India: there is a shift from the caste system to individual castes and this reflects the change that is taking place in India today (290). All associations originated in large towns, are more active in towns than in villages, and are led by prominent members in towns. Asking different questions and using different methods are necessary. So in this way, the Maharashtra caste list is given to all cast Aarakshan belonging to the Scheduled Castes category for the state of MH. There was considerable elaboration in urban areas of what Ghurye long ago called the community aspect of caste (1932: 179) and frequently, this led to juxtaposition rather than hierarchy between caste divisions of the same order. Roughly, while in the plains area villages are nucleated settlements, populated by numerous castes, in the highland area villages are dispersed settlements, populated by tribes and castes of tribal origin. I describe here three prominent units of the latter type, namely, Anavil, Leva Kanbi, and Khedawal Brahman. * List of Scheduled Tribes in Gujarat; A. . In particular, the implications of the co-existence of lower-order divisions within a higher- order division in the same town or city should be worked out. Far from it, I am only suggesting that its role had certain limitations and that the principle of division was also an important and competing principle. 92. It has already been mentioned that every first-order division was not divided into second-order divisions, and that every second-order division was not divided into third-order divisions, and so on. Even if we assume, for a moment, that the basic nature of a structure or institution was the same, we need to know its urban form or variant. Among the first-order divisions with subdivisions going down to the fourth order, there are associations for divisions of all the orders. The ekdas have not yet lost their identities. The pattern of inter-divisional marriages shows how the idea of free marriage, which guides most of the inter-caste marriages, is restricted, modified, and graded according to the traditional structure of caste divisions. (Frequently, such models are constructed a priori rather than based on historical evidence, but that is another story). Briefly, while the Varna model was significant in the total dynamics of the caste system to fit the numerous first-order divisions into the four-fold Varna model in any part of India is impossible, and, therefore, to consider varnas as caste divisions as such is meaningless. The number of tads in an ekda or go I might be two or more, and each of them might be an endogamous units. More common was an ekda or tad having its population residing either in a few neighbouring villages, or in a few neighbouring towns, or in both. For example, among Vanias in a large town like Ahmedabad many of the thirty or forty second-order divisions (such as Khadayata, Modh, Porwad, Shrimali, and so on) were represented. Another clearly visible change in caste in Gujarat is the emergence of caste associations. They were found in almost every village in plains Gujarat and in many villages in Saurashtra and Kachchh. ADVERTISEMENTS: Division and Hierarchy: An Overview of Caste in Gujarat! The main reason was that Anavils did not practise priesthood as a traditional occupation, nor were they involved in traditional Sanskrit learning. The complex was provided a certain coherence and integrityin the pre- industrial time of slow communicationby a number of oral and literate traditions cultivated by cultural specialists such as priests, bards, genealogists and mythographers (see in this connection Shah and Shroff 1958). It is a coalescence of Kolis and Rajputs on the modern political plane based on the foundation of the traditional social and cultural symbiosis under the rubric of Kshatriya. They co-existed in the highlands with tribes such as the Bhils, so much so that today frequently many high caste Gujaratis confuse them with Bhils, as did the earlier ethnographers. The highest stratum among the Leva Kanbi tried to maintain its position by practising polygyny and female infanticide, among other customs and institutions, as did the highest stratum among the Rajput. In an area of the first kind there are no immigrant Kolis from elsewhere, and therefore, there is no question of their having second-order divisions. A large proportion, if not the whole, of the population of many of such divisions lived in towns. //Category:Social groups of Gujarat - Wikipedia The main occupation of Vankars was the weaving of cloth. In any case, castes are not likely to cease to be castes in the consciousness of people in the foreseeable future. Nevertheless, a breakdown of the population of Gujarat into major religious, caste and tribal groups according to the census of 1931 is presented in the following table to give a rough idea of the size of at least some castes.